Short Answer Format on five different topics Essay - 1

Short Answer Format on five different topics - Essay Example our war with Spain after the USS Maine was sunk on February 15, 1898 while at anchor at Havana (Cuba) harbor, resulting in the death of 266 officers and men. America’s victory marked her rise as a world power. Subsequent troubling experiences running former Spanish colonies, sending soldiers to die in two world wars, and leading the war against Communism (Cold War) and terrorism continue to fuel debates on whether the US should be isolationist or accept the interdependence of nations in an age of globalization and perform its unique role as the world’s democratic superpower (Cole 85-89). Eleanor Roosevelt was the wife of four-term (1933-1945) US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the niece of two-term (1901-1909) President Theodore Roosevelt. She was born on October 11, 1884 and died on November 7, 1962. Many consider Mrs. Roosevelt as the woman who redefined the role of the First Lady in American history, becoming the model for later First Ladies. She turned her marital problems with her husband into an opportunity to shine and show that she was the better person. During and even after serving as our First Lady, she worked to uplift the social conditions of American women, African Americans, and the poor. She was appointed our representative to the United Nations from 1945-1963. President Harry S. Truman called her the â€Å"First Lady of the World.† Unlike previous First Ladies, she was active in public life as a writer, diplomat, and social activist. She wrote and published her autobiography (2000) before her death. Women’s suffrage is concerned with the right of women to vote in elections. This right was not enjoyed by women because US laws of at the time considered women incapable of exercising it. Such a simple assumption of the incapacity of half of the world to choose who should rule over them reflects the social attitude prevailing in America, where women were seen as weak and inferior to men (Stevens 107-108). Fortunately, a group

Brave new world Essay Example for Free

Brave new world Essay Lenina, Foster and the Director all have been pre-conditioned to think of themselves better and more intelligent than Betas, Delta, Gammas, and Epsilons, as do all Alphas. And with good reason as Alphas are pre-conditioned to be more intellectual and socially better. This portrays a capitalist society with the different classes. Huxley deriving from an upper-middle class family this is understandable. In contrast to 1984, everybody is relatively the same. Proles and Party members are all treated the same and are regulated with telescreens and thought police moving amongst them. The views of Orwell have been diffused into the subject matter of 1984 as well as Huxleys into BNW, the difference and contrast being their views. Huxleys views of a class system and Orwell views that a socialist Britain was going to develop in light of Soviet Russia. When further comparing the authors style and subject matter of thinking for their characters, it is clear that they share relatively the same principles. Orwells language and style shows that the Party members and proles are sub-consciously trained to believe the ideals of the Party by propaganda. Posters, the two-minute hate, books, songs and newspapers all enforce the Party ideals and the people believe them for they have no other principles or ideals with which to compare. They assume that the Party is right in what it says. This refers back to the proles not having an individual consciousness away from party principles, as stated by Winston in the extract. Their thinking is basic and un-intellectual. Similarly, the thinking process in BNW is a result from training and conditioning. This time people are taught in their sleep (again sub-consciously like in 1984) what to think and what ideals/principles to hold. Their thinking is mechanic and standardised which holds parallels with the mechanic factories they were produced in. Again it is the case of two different methods producing the same result. The subject matter of the BNW extract shows humour which 1984 does not. The fact and process that leads to the Rocket Engineers only ever being truly happy when standing on their heads and that Decanting trauma can occur in comparison with real life birth trauma. Both of these examples from the extract are illustrations of the humour that Huxley injects into the novel at several intervals. With 1984 there are no humorous comments at all and so the subject matter keeps, at all times, an air of seriousness, whereas with BNW this air of seriousness, as a revolutionary novel, is broken from time to time by the humour. A main contrast that the two extracts highlight is the ideal of what both worlds are striving towards and are. In 1984 Winston describes the Partys ultimate aim as; The ideal set up by the Party was something huge, terrible and glittering a world of steel and concrete, of monstrous machines a nation All thinking the same thoughts, shouting the same slogans, perpetually working, fighting, triumphing and persecuting three hundred million people all with the same face. This holds extreme parallels to the world that Huxley creates in Brave New World. A world where everyone has the same face paralleling with the mass producing of people that all look alike; shouting the same slogans, paralleling with the sleep taught sayings that everyone has a version of, whether youre an Alpha or Epsilon, a world of steel and concrete paralleling with the vast huge cities of BNW. It seems that 1984 is a world where a government is attempting to change the past and achieve a different world, whereas BNW is a world proud of its past and of sustaining its world. The two are exact opposites; BNW being what the Party is trying to create. The importance of the two extracts in the novels is high in that they are meant to shock the reader. Huxleys description of the manufacturing of people and Orwells description of a world that controls everything (even the past) and makes its people think whatever they like. Both extracts create a world in which the story is allowed to develop, they are the soil from which the seed is meant to grow. The 1984 extract has an added level to its importance as it shows that already Winston is part of the undead. It shows that Winston is doing exactly what hes not supposed to be and that if/when he is caught, the Party have got grounds on which to vaporise him. It shows the re-occurring principle in the novel that death is certain, and life is not. It shows that any chance of Orwells world changing, the Party being overthrown, is non-existent as any chance must lie in the proles but: Until they become conscious they will never rebel, and until after they have rebelled they cannot become conscious. This parallels with BNW as no-one there either wishes to change things, as they are content with their current life. Both extracts create these two worlds of unimaginable oppression whether its inhabitants realise it or not and the theme that runs throughout the comparison of the two novels and extracts is the same; that Orwell and Huxley both achieve relatively the same thing through different methods. They both achieve worlds of oppression and shock simply through different actual environments; as they did with making it that everyone thinks what the authorities wants them to think and that they have no interest in challenging this or any other aspect of their world. This being the case and both authors creating these future worlds of shock and astonishment are vital to the novels as this is what makes the novels so revolutionary for their time.

The complex issue of hypermasculinity

The complex issue of hypermasculinity Through past experience and research, hypermasculinity has led African American culture to be defined as a culture that strongly fights for their sign of status, and sexual aggressivity and dominance appear to be highly regarded. Research has concluded that media and false misinterpretations of hypermasculinity are the main causes, and the strong influences they have are causing these dominant, aggressive and demanding behaviours. Research has been done through personal interviews, field work and observation. Perhaps present and previous research is showing a better understanding for many cultures as to why African American men display certain characteristics, in which demonstrate power and control. Furthermore studies are creating awareness for society, although they are not justifying these behaviours as being acceptable. Introduction: Life threatening situations are brought upon us every day as we walk out the front door, into the bus or into the front doors of school. Growing up in todays society and conforming to various norms, values and behaviours in which one witnesses, is traumatic and time consuming amongst young men and women, especially young African American men. Gender roles and societies expectation are presented at such a young age, this leading to pressure and unjustified behaviours, such as drug trafficking, prostitution and pimping. Within African American society, gender roles are depicted precisely and followed. Various different ethnic groups live in different parts of the world, but the status of black males in American society has been in flux for the last several decades (Lips 2001, p.5). The reasons why all these groups must show status is to prove their images of what it means to be masculine. Sentimental, submissive and superstitious (Lips, 2001, p.5) are qualities associated with females in every country. On the other hand males are more likely to be connected to characteristics resembling dominance, forcefulness and strength (Lips, 2001, p.5). In a variety of Hip Hop, Rap music video clips, the images being portrayed of how young men must behave always consists of the same factors; dominance, power, aggressivity and the tough guy. The question of how hypermasculinity is defined in African American culture and why sexual aggressivity and dominance appear to be highly regarded within this culture, has been an ideology for many. Despite false interpretation that the media portrays, and the pressure of role models and real men, the following paper will examine the main points and answers to these questions. Furthermore it will observe the use of the term nigga and gansta from an open minded point of view. Hypermasculinity defined and expressed Hypermasculinity is an extremely important sign of status for black males. Hypermasculinity is defined in the (Oxford Dictionary) as an exaggerated masculine qualities, although this term can be negative, it is also personalized when examining these behaviours as adaptive or maladaptive impassively. The term gansta for example comes from the word gangster, which means a criminal who is a part of a gang; who would want to be viewed as a criminal. The other term often miss used, is the word pimp. A pimp, is an agent for prostitutes who lives off their earnings (Oxford Dictionary). Today pimp is being used to refer to guys who sleep with many girls, or the ones who can pick up any girl they want. Where will society draw the line, and who comes to decide whether one corresponds to the definition of a man an adult human male, sometimes also used to identify a male human regardless of age, as in phrases such as mens rights (Oxford Dictionary). DeReef examines African American behaviour and defines masculinity to the degree where a male is able to successfully manifest their attributes (DeReef, F. J. 2006, p.46). These behaviours are being shown in different ways where males are modifying or distorting their real behaviours in order to conform into society, as to what seems to be correctly acceptable. Over a long period of time until today black compulsive masculinity has been a dysfunctional response to solving racial domination and has been causing more problems within the environment. In other words black compulsive behaviours is an ideology composed of African consciousness, in which has created a reactionary masculinity in many African American males who seek to imitate their white male counterparts (DeReef, F.J. 2006, p. 47). According to Wolfe African American males strongly believe it is hard to achieve masculine identity through usual work or responsibilities. They are justifying their behaviours through assumption s in which they believe that they are the only ones who must work hard and have responsibilities in order to achieve masculine identity. Maladaptive hypermasculine behaviours such as drug trafficking, or being a pimp are the ones being justified because there is not enough employment opportunities given to black men. There has been a correlation between joblessness and higher incidence of various maladaptive behaviours. Hypersexuality and homophobia Black males, especially young men are so afraid to be referred to as wimps, or homos, that they have even created the term no homo (Masculinity, homophobia and Hip Hop, n.d ),. The term No homo must be said at the end of each sentence, in order for people not to think they sound gay, or they said something gay. During an interview regarding the term no homo, males claimed not to be reinforcing that their not gay because they know theyre not, but they are just making sure that when they speak others dont assume theyre gay. Homophobia is a big issue that has aroused and has become serious within the generation today. Elijah G.Ward, discusses how the black churches are also encouraging homophobia amongst black males and most of the time those who are against homosexuality are uncertain of their own sexuality and fear that they will be categorised as a community. This strongly emphasizes their powerful beliefs that heterosexuality is the right way. Many cultures do not support homosexual ity, a significant amount of black people according to Elijah G. Ward, see homosexual relationships as unacceptable and morality wrong p.494. In the black community a famous gansta-rapper Ice Cube has implanted in one of his famous songs true niggers aint gay (Ward, G.E .2005, p. 497). Homosexuality is seen to be a sign of weakness and is associated with feminine characteristics, these also encouraging labels towards men such as fags or queers. The black church strongly enforces that homosexuality is not what a man is and a man should be violent, demanding and have control. Their main priorities are their labels and they pay close attention, not to be called sissies which is the opposite of being cool. They want to portray that hard core gansta rapper role model who is an intensified, black male cultural reflection of patriarchy, sexism, hetorosexism and gansta-style (Ward, G. E. 2005, p. 497). Violent behaviours and gansta Throughout history, the black population have undergone several changes some harder to adapt to then others. The main issue with behaviours constantly changing and deviance sometimes being accepted, is when you adapt to an aggressive dominant behaviour you dont want to let go of that control you have obtained. A problem which has occurred and is important to understand is to know the difference between, understanding what you have been told and believing and making your own judgements accordingly; if it is right. For example in the black society it is a sign of status, to sleep with as many women as possible. William, A. Wolfe, summarize in their article that it is right to deceive a girl in order to have sex with her (Wiliam, A. Wolfe 2003, p 848) and that they dont believe in the use of the condom for a simple reason that they would be undermining their masculinity (Wiliam, A. Wolfe 2003, p. 848).Black males have been socialized into using their penis as a way to achieve manhood . Different expectations within a culture or society and how values have changed over time. This has also caused many African American women to fear their partners, and studies say that a woman has been in an abusive relationship is more likely not to speak up and fight her partner. In regards to sexuality and power the black African American society believes that when sexual aggression exists in a relationship (Wiliam, A. Wolfe 2003, p. 848 ), this shows violence is involved therefore he is a man; concluding violence is manly. Adolescent black males are also accounted for having a higher victimization rate than any other racial or age group (Gregory,S. 2007, p 371). African American women compare to their counter parts are the ones to usually get involved in abusive relationships and stay quiet due to their surroundings and or an abusive father. African American women are more vulnerable and listen to their partners when they use aggressive behaviours. This also brings out statist ics which show that over fifty percent of babies are born to minor females, fathered by African American men. They also show that the father is usually on average 26.1 years older (Wiliam, A. Wolfe 2003, p. 849.From this one can clearly conclude that a young African American female is no way has interpersonal skills and dominance over her partner to demand the use of a condom. Furthermore, black males are often taught or trained to control their emotions internally towards exercises that stimulate minor frustration, although this does not emphasise the power that long term maladaptive, self destructive and life threatening (Gregory, S. 2007,p.386) consequences have above it all. An infant who is brought up in a dangerous neighbourhood, attended an unsafe school and dealt with racism is more prone to recognize feelings towards aggression and violence. Black men who have experienced a tragic event of a life threatening situation will want to be prepared if it ever happens again, this is why Gregory, S. discusses the use of carrying of a weapon. In most neighbourhoods today and schools, young teens will not walk around with knifes and use it as an excuse of security purposes, although in neighbourhoods where there are at least three people getting stabbed every day, these young kids want to feel safe. The college of New Jersey evaluated that males are more l ikely to carry a weapon than females, and a survey in 2007 showed that 27% of boys did carry a weapon (Gregory, S. 2007, p.369). Carrying a knife or a gun is a sign of security, despite its encouragement towards violent behaviours. A weapon stimulates the fight or flight response which is a decision you make when experiencing a dangerous situation. Is the individual going to walk away, or will he make a decision and fight. In a situation where someone is carrying a weapon, almost one hundred percent of the time if they feel secure enough to fight and win, the weapon is their support and will cause them to partake in this dangerous behaviour. Statistics show that in 1994, gun control accounted for approximately 1,700 Black youths aged ten to nineteen (Gregory, S. 2007, p 368). The following statistics tell us that most of crime is being committed at a young age by youth. Young children are the ones who are victimised, especially in schools in poor neighbourhoods and the fear they exp erience is unpleasant and it creates an awareness of danger. Hip Hop; a justifiable reason leading to hypermasculinity The third point, if not one of the most influential one in society influencing power, dominance and control is Hip Hop. As a whole Hip Hop has become a culture for most black African American men and this has brought up a new image of acceptable behaviours and hypermasculinity. Many video clips you watch or lyrics you read are not only full of vulgar language, but its always a battle over a girl, power or insulting someones mother. Rap has created a new lifestyle for young men, and also many role models like Eminem, 50 cent and Tupac. Luxury has also become a big part of status. Many African American men today believe that rap is a way to express their true black life. There are different kinds of rap music, this having an influence on different kind of behaviours that are being acted out in society. Rap is categorised using five different forms. Teacher-rap, nation conscious rap, gansta rap, player/lover rap, porno rap and last religious rap (DeReef,F.J. 2006). These different kinds of rap all influence different ideas from social commitment to struggle, romance, sexual aggressive behaviours and spirituality of Christianity and Islam. It is amazing to listen to a rap song and interpret all these different ideas, and thinks to yourself, how can a young fifteen or sixteen year old kid understand this. What is being said is sometimes due to a personal experience or the rap artist is expressing his feelings and or emotions. Media has shown violence to be a part of masculinity, that it has become a norm and is no longer deviance within society. Statistics show that one in four men will use violence against their partner, and eighty-five percent of murders are being committed by men. As one can witness sexuality, criminality and violence play a strong role as being partners. Hip Hop role models like Lil Wayne display high rates of criminality for young African American men, and also use violence and strength towards sexuality. Young males are being brain washed and influenced in regards to these being the real characteristics of men and its a direct justification for hypermasculine behaviours. Roots of slavery The 17th century African American slavery was devastating and today has become a part of history. Slaves were not entitles any equal rights compare to what other had. They were demanded to do hard labour work and were treated with cruelty. Slaves were working ridiculous amount of hours a day and werent even treated as human beings.These slaves were being sold as if they were commodities from city to city. Slaves were seen by many as a different class of people in society. Many slaves tried to fights their master although there was not much success as they would be arrested or sent somewhere else. Slavery today plays a role on how society view black males and how they view themselves compare to society. The word nigga The word nigga is a good example or a word that has different meanings and that has been re-appropriated in society depending on who uses it. The word nigga comes from the word nigger which was originally used to refer to black people. The word was also used in the time of slavery for the black who were trying to escape. Today many African American men use the word amongst each other like white people would use the word brother. Although if a white person were to use the word nigger it is seen as insulting and some African American men take it to the extreme of being offended they might even beat someone up. Nigger for the African American culture is a sign of self identity amongst one another and pride. It is a moment in time of history and they want to hold onto this. In the 1970 the word nigger was seen as racists, offensive and as early as today it is a word that many will refrain from using. Slavery and hypermasculinity Men have enslaved other men to show their mastery over them, and think it is a weakness to show or express their feelings towards other human beings. Patriarchal masculinity has caused problems that are so complex. Long after legal racial segregation ended ( Lips, 2001, p.2 ), it is still clear how the white society treats Black men. Unless close attention is being payed to little factors which make a difference; often Black men are referred to not as men but as boys (Lips, 2001, p.20). Black men lived through times where they were never given the same privileges as white men, and they always had to earn their masculinity, most of the time not feeling good about being a man. Black males were always viewed as inferior to other cultures and always had to prove themselves one way or another. They were always stereotypically related to drugs, poverty and violence. Black American youth during the period of black power to Hip Hop, were denied opportunities to exercise their citizenship; th is having an effect today, they dont want to fall back down beneath everyone. Being denied opportunities, rights and not able to achieve personal goals has stuck with the black society until today. Not only is being labelled black a mental damage, but creates physical aggression as well. It seems that an individual who has been constantly emasculated over the years would at least try to conform to the dominant culture in hope of their being some acknowledgment of acceptance. It has been proven throughout society especially in the United States, that growing up as a black male has been a tough process. Being a black male is a burden at times because some people see and think of me, and men like me, as menaces to society. The masculinity that has been a part of my life has been one that has been used to oppress others and oppress me (Clifford, A. 2006, and p.4). The status of poverty for African American youth is the one that is the most revealing. In 2001 among all American children under the age of eighteen, the poverty rate was sixteen percent, but it was three times as high for black children; 30 percent (Collins, H, P. 2006, p.3). Black youth are the ones who are affected the most by social problems. Increasing employment opportunities for African American males would be ideal, this would give them a better environment, better surroundings and influence them that they are like the rest of the society. This is also why many black males rape, because that act of aggression towards a women is a form of status in which they would use in a workplace which is often not available for them. In other words, having the right to work and live a normal life style, will affect them positively. Several African American men have shaped their understandings and realities based on the past and keep exercising those actions. Having a normal life style r emains a dream for many black youths living under the age of eighteen. The main problem that touches upon poverty is the ineffectiveness of political strategies that strive to resist it (Collins, H, P. 2006, p.9). The civil rights movement was the primary strategy to solve racial integration, although African American politics are trying new social challenges to meet old responses. Despite some accomplishment, African Americans are frustrated because they dont see anything opening up ahead of them and they are still dealing with high unemployment rates. Beyond social problems resulting to poverty, unemployment and lack of civil rights, masculinity today is a big part relating to the past. African American societies have developed strong personalities to prove who they are and what they are capable of. For instance when you look around today, you will see more black males working, neighbourhoods are less poor and opportunities and chances have been and are being given to black commun ities. Considering that young African American males occupy such a visible position within society, they have demonstrated a zero tolerance for race, nation, gender, age and sexuality (Collins, H, P. 2006). All these different aspects that influenced black men have created the drives towards manhood today. When black men were in slavery they were being ordered around and always given commands; comparing that to this new generations they are the ones who are in control, and for the most are the ones giving commands. Conclusion: The issue of hypermasculinity is one that is quite complex and a total solution cannot be found. Research has shown that African American men believe in proving themselves as real men; this leading to behaviours in which can no longer be controlled. These actions are being tolerated by society today especially for young black males. Sexual aggressivity, dominance and hypermasculinity are highly responded within the culture for a countless amount of reasons. Media is portraying false misinterpretations as to what it means to be masculine, there is always a constant pressure being brought upon black males which enforces violent and controlling behaviours and they are being accepted as normal. Thirdly, African American culture has such a strong influential past of slavery that their culture is looking at society through a different lens. Black male needs to accomplish giving themselves an identity that will cause them to be comfortable with themselves. Ideally black males should critically assess the dominant cultures norm of masculinity instead of reworking the norms to satisfy their social situation. Many black males have failed to see the problem of the dominant cultures norms of masculinity in their lives. Society in general has labelled black men as being dangerous, and regardless if you know the person or not before even speaking to many black men they fall into that category that they are violent, dangerous or a sex maniac. Society has enforced black males to feel this way and cause them to do things in which they shouldnt do. It has caused a psychological problem which is hard to erase. In no way do African American men believe they can show weakness, this would mean they are not men. Violence in the media is glorified, and is exposed to children of all ages. Police will not hesitate to use violence against s uspects, and these young black males are often the targets of violent behaviours in their neighbourhoods; drugs, rape, gang related fights or domestic violence.

Global Crime Justice And Security Politics Essay

Global Crime Justice And Security Politics Essay Traditionally the state was not responsible for the provision of security and policing, but with the emergence of the modern state and modern policing, the state began to assume a more active role in this respect, and eventually became the sole provider of security. Indeed states possessed the legal monopoly of force over their own territory and their own citizens. With the emergence of globalisation, and the increase in interdependence among states, this approach was in need of reform. Increasingly states cooperated with each other in the field of policing and criminal justice. Interpol was established in 1923 to promote transnational police cooperation, and eventually Europol was created to promote cooperation within the euro zone in the 1990s. The reason being that criminals could more easily cross borders; therefore crime was also transcending national boundaries. In order To address this globalisation of crime, States envisaged a global response to global crimes, such as drugs t rafficking, money laundering, terrorism and the like. This transnational police cooperation transcended national borders, but nevertheless the interests of states were still at the heart of the operation, with national public police forces being the main actors in transnational policing. In recent years the role of the state has diminished and a gap in the security market opened up, leading to other actors taking the place of the state in the field of security and policing. The increase in private policing activity has led some to be concerned that policing is increasingly being taken away from nations and put into the hands of other public and private actors. In this essay, I will attempt to assess the significance of the increase in public and private policing activity and the effect it has both on nations and transnational policing. In order to do so, I will first look at policing and its development into the contemporary concept of transnational policing, before looking at the r ole of the state and the provision of security. Then I will turn to the public and private actors now involved in policing, in an attempt to establish whether they are indeed replacing the state as the main provider of security and policing. Finally, I will include an exception to the rule that the state is losing power by analysing the case of the USA, which remains powerful in the promotion of its interests, proving that the state is still important despite the increase in globalisation. I will conclude with a summary of the facts and my own perspective on the issue. Traditional policing (States services, armed forcesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦etc) Radzinowicz (1956) and Ostreich (1982) trace the origins and functioning of police back to mid-sixteenth century Germany. Traditionally, policing was not seen as the direct responsibility of the State, rather it lay in local civil society. In the UK, policing was performed by privately funded watchmen until 1737, when King George II began paying some watchmen with tax money, thus commencing the movement to government controlled policing. In 1829, the Metropolitan Police Act was passed by Parliament, leading to the foundation of the London Metropolitan Police, currently the longest serving police force. This development granted the police a preventive role intended to deter urban crime and disorder. In this system, military organisations were to secure the nation state and its citizens from the external threats posed by invading armies and police organisations, were to protect the state from internal threats posed by acts of crime and disorder. Since their origin, the fundamental concept behind police forces has been the preservation of order in a community bound by rule of law (Ramsbotham and Woodhouse, 1999). The concepts of policing and governance have been heavily influenced by recent developments, namely globalisation, and by changing boundaries between public and private controls over police and security forces (Sheptycki, 2002). Globalization, a term introduced into common usage in the 1950s and 60s, brought with it a variety of innovations, such as the integration of societies and cultures and the exchange of information, making states more interdependent and reliant on each other economically, socially and politically. However, it also brought several problems to the fore, such as the increase in global threats. By which we mean those threats which transcend national boundaries and impact many, if not all, states. Examples of such threats include terrorism, drugs trafficking, money laundering, human trafficking and nuclear proliferation, to name but a few. The markedly international context, in which crimes such as these are committed, has the effect of encouraging co-operation between those states which share the desire to reduce the threat to their security. These new threats have the potential to impact more than one country, therefore a unilateral approach is no longer sufficient, and states must coope rate to effectively tackle these transnational issues. This can either mean that national police forces establish links to facilitate the sharing of information, or that policing forces (including the military) unite to intervene in conflict situations in other countries. The ease of movement of people and criminality across national boundaries have necessitated the exchange of criminal intelligence and of operational assistance between states and between national police forces (see Walker, 1993, Harris, 1973; Reiner, 1992). Globalisation has increased interdependence, therefore what happens in other countries can now have an effect on security at home also, making transnational policing in the interest of all states. What is transnational policing?(eg..?) The term transnational policing entered into use in the mid-1990s as a description for forms of policing that transcended the boundaries of the sovereign nation state (Sheptycki, 1995) It is a difficult concept to pin down, but generally speaking it applies to those forms for policing which transgress national borders, such as cross-border police cooperation and policing assistance to weak, failing or conflict-ridden states. As Walker and Loader put it, transnational policing has become an expanding, diverse and complex field of activity. From the outset, modern policing has maintained transnational elements, both professionally and politically. Professionally, police officers and institutions have always cultivated international contacts, due to the practicalities of law enforcement. Politically, transnational links are to facilitate arrangements to exchange information, support or liaison between police organisations and criminal justice systems. Police development-aid to failed or failing states is another form of transnational policing that has garnered attention. This form of transnational policing plays an increasingly important role in United Nations peacekeeping (Goldsmith and Sheptycki, 2007). Organised crime is another argument used to justify further police cooperation in Europe. This term is used in relation to different forms of serious crime such as drug trafficking, corruption or even terrorism. It rose on the agenda in the 1980s but combatting it remains central to encouraging transnational police cooperation. Up to now, transnational policing has been closely related to governmental law enforcement at the national level. Following Max Webers state theory, the monopoly on the use of force is a main characteristic of a state, yet today institutions coordinating the use of force at international levels exist without the formal framework of a state. Sheptycki (2002a) argues that, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦policing is no longer a set of practices embedded in the sovereign nation-state, but rather has become trans-nationalised and greatly differentiated. Role of the State In the pre-globalisation world, the State was responsible for maintaining security, and indeed the people relied on the state to provide it. However, in a world where borders no longer retain the same significance they once did, is the role of the state diminishing? Some would say so (see Bauman, 1998; Hardt and Negri, 2000; Ohmae, 1990; Reich, 1991); these first-wave theorists perceive the nation-state as withering away, unable to resist the challenge posed by globalisation and the emerging global economy. Others, however, argue that the role of the state may be changing, but it is still important in the international system. Evidence of this can be noted through continued State involvement in conflicts across the globe, in the intensification of border controls and the expansion of state surveillance and bureaucracy  [1]  . Indeed, as Walker and Loader point out, The State, [] remains the principal if by no means any longer the sole institutional locus of efforts to subject s ecurity practices to forms of democratic steering, public scrutiny and human rights protection  [2]   Nevertheless, it is easy to see that the face of policing is changing somewhat, reflecting the gradual development of a new world order in which the state is no longer the unrivalled unit of political authority, but is challenged by new transnational or supranational regulatory regimes such as the UN, NAFTA and the EU. These new entities assert authority similar to that traditionally associated with state sovereignty. The declining powers of the nation state have been one of the most politically discussed aspects of globalisation. Privatisation of state functions and assets, and the increasing power of global corporations are seen as clear indications of the imminent decline of the state. (aas) Thatcherism and Reganism are sometimes brought into the debate over the changing role of the state: the rolling back of the state has led individuals to take more responsibility over their own safety and security, thus making security a commodity rather than a public good. In this view the state has maintained a regulatory role, but decreased its role in the provision of security services, leading to a rise in private endeavours taking over the reins.(ME) State power is being relinquished outwards, to the commercial sector and the private security industry, upwards to international bodies, and downwards to citizens, private organisations and municipalities. (walker and loader, 2001: 10) There is an increasing disconnect between policing and the nation state. This is due to the rise in private policing, but also to internationalisation and transnationalisation of policing. Police practices increasingly transcend national borders.(AAS) Deflem (2002) argues that the development has been enabled by a process in which international police agencies gradually gained bureaucratic independence from the state. Transnational policing is, therefore, both an extension of state powers and a move towards greater autonomy from the state. Public and private actors: The roll back of the state left a gap in the security field, due to its inability to provide the service required. This allowed room for other public and private actors to assume the role of main provider of security and policing solutions. This development, paired with the increase in global interdependence and cooperation between states has meant that non state actors are becoming more involved in transnational policing too. Eg: EU, UN, Europol, eurojust, private companies. Some private companies are mainly involved in military interventions in other states; others are so wide reaching that they are involved in a multitude of policing operations (such as prison security abroad, protection of foreign political figures, accompanying suspects from one state to another for the purpose of extradition, etc..). High profile individuals also have an impact in the policing agenda, as do police leaders. As David Last puts it, States are not the only international actors, nor is state sovereignty uncontested. Policing becomes more complex if we consider non-state and supra-state or international actors  [3]  . In this section of the essay I will examine the role of other public and private actors in transnational policing, to establish whether their interests are indeed superseding those of States. Private: Private Police forces are law enforcement bodies that are owned and/or controlled by non-governmental entities. Often they carry out functions similar to those of public police forces, but clearly their priorities are not based on the interests of the state, but on those of their private employer. Private security is part of the growing internationalisation of police. Evidence of the growth of private policing can be found in the fact that there are now three times as many private as public police in the United States and twice as many private security agents than public police officers in the UK. In addition the private security industry is growing faster than public policing. The dramatic growth in private security in the past several decades has reshaped the structure and function of modern policing. Private security is commonly thought to be a largely American phenomenon; however, increasingly it is to be found in one form or another in almost every developed country of the Western world (see Grabosky, 1977; Hovav and Amir, 1979; Heijboer, 1979). The concentration of private security in the hands of vast multinational corporations within a country raises questions as to the locus of sovereignty in that country, which has traditionally been associated with the maintenance of law and order. Furthermore, more often than not, these companies are under foreign ownership, raising further questions of state sovereignty. This also raised concerns as to the control the private company may have over the State and over policymaking within that state. There is a fundamental distinction between private and public policing: accountability. The police force is one of the most basic forms of public service. They are entrusted with particular powers because they are accountable to government, and the public. The private security industry, by contrast, is not accountable to the public, but to the clients who contract for its services. Private security companies are not only employed by private corporations, but they can also be contracted by governments. This was the case of Executive Outcomes, a private military company founded in South Africa in 1989. Executive Outcomes (EO) provided military support to governments such as that of Angola and Sierra Leone in the early 1990s, assisting the legitimate government in the conflict with rebel forces. This growth in private policing raises concerns as to whose interests are pursued in transnational policing? The state, which aims to protect its citizens; or private companies, who aim to protect the interests of their employer or contractor? There are also other actors who influence the decision-making for transnational policing including police leaders. High ranking police officers have played a central role for the political agenda setting and for the implementation of transnational policing. They set the groundwork which later led to international conventions, they played a dominant role in the setting up of Interpol, and they initiated a transnational police network by establishing contacts with foreign colleagues, even in those states which had been enemies not long before. Governments played the legislative role in the setting up of this structure, where as police officers were the initiators and the executors. This crucial role high ranking police officers played in the definition of the requirements for effective cross-border police work eventually led to the establishment of those European cooperation projects of the 1980s and the 1990s. Without the initiative of police officials, transnational cooperation may have assumed a very different aspect today. PUBLIC: Transnational policing is of course a complex and diverse concept, with many different actors involved. As mentioned previously, traditionally the main actor in policing was the State, but developments in the global order have led to the introduction of other players, such as private policing agencies, and high ranking individuals which indubitably have acted in such a way which reflects their owns interests. However, there are other fundamental players in the field of transnational policing which have yet to be addressed: public actors, by which we mean international or supranational organisations which are incredibly influential in international affairs more generally and transnational policing, specifically, depending on their function. Sheptycki, 2000a: inter-national policing still maintains the state as the focal point; trans-national policing is when the practice transcends the state system. Interpol is the perfect example of inter-national policing, as it is a truly internati onal police organisation (Walker 2003:117); it is still heavily dependent on nations and national resources, and legal systems. Therefore, here the interests of state are still central. Europol is more a trans-national policing body, which developed through the European Union, within the emerging structures of freedom, security and justice. Since 1999, and the Tampere summit, issues of internal security have become increasingly important leading to the creation of the European Arrest Warrant, Eurojust, a common European border control agency(frontex) and the police chiefs operational task force. These recent European developments have given the EU security field the semblance of a state-like function (Mathiesen, 2003) The field of transnational policing has been open to problems of accountability due to the lack of transparency and the plurality of networks and actors involved. (aas) New international legal norms and regimes are produced and managed by international institutions such as the EU and the UN. The limits of state sovereignty are therefore challenged by international law and the emerging forms of global governance, where state sovereignty becomes multiple, overlapping and shared (held, 1995) The International Criminal Police Commission, established in 1923, and its post-second world war successor, INTERPOL, were set up to facilitate communication between the participating national police organisations. Governmental intervention in these organisations remained minimal (Anderson, 1989:37). Today, INTERPOL has expanded significantly, both in terms of membership and in terms of activities and methods, nonetheless it still exists to facilitate cross-border police co-operation, and support and assist all organizations, authorities and services whose mission is to prevent or combat international crime  [4]  . However, it is no longer the pre-eminent player. Its influence has been lessened by two developments in particular: the internationalisation of the US law enforcement, and the creation and expansion of the European Union. The USA became more involved in matters of transnational law enforcement since the explosion of international drug trafficking in the 1960s. This led to an increase in federal law enforcement agencies and institutions abroad. The EU on the other hand, has been centred on various forms of cooperation since the outset. The Trevi organisation provided the first major initiative in the policing field in 1975, providing a forum for members to develop common measures against terrorism, drugs, organised crime, police training and technology and other matters. Another important step towards a European law enforcement capacity is the Schengen agreement (1990), which established a number of law enforcement measures, including the Schengen Information System and police cooperation in matters such as hot pursuit, cross border observation and controlled delivery of illegal goods. The signing of the Schengen Treaty, in 1992, formalized aspects of police information exchange across the territory of the European Union (Joubert and Bevers, 1996). While Trevi and Schengen are noteworthy advances in the Development of a European law enforcement capacity, Europol is the most ambitious yet. Maastricht saw Europol as a system of information exchange for the purpose of preventing and combating terrorism, drug trafficking and other serious crimes within the EU, and as a means of providing co-operation in aid of criminal investigations and analyses more generally. The European Home Affairs and Justice Council is a central actor for police cooperation in Europe. The European Commission and the European Parliament only play a marginal role. The EP repeatedly demands more democratic control of transnational policing. But European police cooperation has always been dominated by administrative bodies. These transnational actors are based on collaboration and cooperation; they are not able to act in the interests on one particular state, therefore there are worries that the interests of states are not reflected. Policing is still based for a major part on the concept of law enforcement, For this reason the national (and sub-national) level stays a central point of orientation for international cooperation regimes in this field. The politics and economics of global relations are inherently self-interested, and international policing therefore inevitably reflects only the particular interests of the contributors. International organisations and international law provide the frameworks for international policing and peacekeeping. International organisations are not autonomous actors, but are the handmaids to states interests. Typically, their decision-making bodies require the consent of member states, and resources for implementation are provided by member states. The UN, the OSCE, and large post-colonial groups like the Commonwealth and la francophonie are the principle international organisations which have been involved in peacekeeping and international policing. The USA The United States of America is possibly the exception to the rule regarding the loss of state power. After the Cold War, the USA became the sole global hegemon, leading the way in a variety of areas, from finance to fashion, from television to transnational policing. There are signs that the USA is losing its predominant position in the global order; nevertheless, it is still a powerful nations and capable of setting the agenda, imposing its views and acting in its own interests. Since the 1960s, when the USA began its war on drugs, the country has been taking the lead in transnational policing, so much so that the united states use of force has been compared to the imperial policing of the 19th century  [5]  , and described as the global police. Furthermore, the USA has effectively spread its law enforcement system across the globe, and become involved in issues in other states, when in its interest to do so. This proves that the state is still important in the maintenance of s ecurity and the pursuit of its interests in transnational policing. The internationalization of crime control is primarily the outcome of ambitious efforts by generations of Western powers to export their domestically derived definitions of crime. Not only political and economic interests but also moralizing impulses have determined these definitions and driven many of the most prominent international policing initiatives. Global prohibitions and international crime control priorities and practices would not be what they are today if different states with different values had dominated international society during the past two centuries. Nadelmann, (1993) noted that the USA was uniquely aggressive in promoting its own criminal justice norms in the transnational arena, expanding the scope of criminal law, methods of enforcement, the scope of criminal procedure and leading the way in extra-territorial policing practices. The world leader in this area, the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), has around 340 employees, agents and support staff, assigned to permanent overseas positions (Fowler, 2008, p. 111). The US Drug Enforcement Agency also has an extensive transnational policing capacity (with 78 offices in 58 countries), as does the US Treasury Department and the State Department Diplomatic Security Service. Today, U.S. federal law enforcement agents target a great array of crimes and criminals: the U.S. DEA is the principal nemesis of transnational drug traffickers; FBI agents abroad investigate terrorist attacks on U.S. citizens and interests as well as white-collar and organized crime. Customs agents focus on a wide variety of frauds against the customs laws. And attorneys in the Departments of State and Justice supervise the rendition of fugitives and the collection of evidence in criminal investigations. These are all State controlled agencies, and despite the highly globalised world in which they operate, these agencies, and agents, posted abroad, are tasked with representing the USA and her interests. This shows that while transnational policing is expanding, and more actors are becoming involved in the process and the setting of the agenda, there is still a place for the state to assert her interests without other public and private actors taking the helm.

Lord Of The Flies :: essays research papers

Character Analysis:Ralph: main character- Ralph is the narrator of the story.Jack: Jack is Ralph main enemy in the story. He leads the hunters.Piggy: Piggy is the smart one of the group. Simon: He is my favorite character in the story. He is viewed as the Christ-figure and interprets the mysteries of the island.Roger: Roger is Jack’s â€Å"sidekick† and is a vicious murderer at heart. Sam and Eric: The twins stick close to Ralph until they are forced to join the hunters. Their main job is to watch the signal fire. The littluns: The littluns are basically the younger boys and ride the bandwagon. The two boys Ralph and Piggy meet each other in a thick jungle and discover that they crashed in an airplane and are stranded. They also learn that there are no adults present on the island and that none of the adults survived the crash. As they approach a beach, they find an enormous conch shell. Piggy gives the conch a little toot and summons the rest of the boys on the island to the beach. The boys assemble and elect Ralph as the leader. Ralph then assigns the Choir, led by Jack, to be the hunters. Then Jack, Ralph, and Simon set out to explore the island. Near the end of their journey, they encounter a wild pig. Jack tries to kill it, but is unsuccessful. When the explorers get back, a meeting is held. The explorers explain that the island is deserted but there is enough food to keep them alive. Jack and the hunters promise to supply meat. Ralph makes a rule that whoever is in possession of the conch shell is allowed to speak. Ralph proposes the idea of a signal fire to alert passing ships of their presence. All the boys agree and everybody rushes to the hilltop to start a fire. The fire sparks the gathered wood into a blaze. One of the boys is reported missing but none of the boys will admit to the likelihood of an accident. Everyone is hard at work the next day, either building huts or hunting. Soon the younger boys loose interest and go off to play. A meeting is called and the boys come up with some new ideas and talk about problems. Meanwhile jack wanders off and enjoys the peace and quiet. Soon the boys get into a rhythm of everyday life.

Roles of Colonial Militia and Continental Army in Winning the Revolutio

Roles of Colonial Militia and Continental Army in Winning the Revolutionary War When the fighting at Lexington and Concord broke out in 1775, the conflict unleashed a flood of resentment that had been building over the right of the colonies to govern themselves. This conflict became a symbol of the American fight for "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." As James Kirby Martin and Mark Edward Lender argue in A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, 1763-1789, the patriotic mythology of a united people fighting the tyrannical British oppressors for basic human rights permeated historical thought about the American Revolution until recently and obscured the inner conflicts that nearly destroyed the rebel effort (4). Martin and Lender maintain that the colonists did not develop a sense of national identity until after the Revolutionary War and that the lack of interest among the colonists in fighting for their cause prompted the use of the Continental Army to win the war. The authors also clearly regard the colonial militia with a great deal of contempt and spend a considerable amount of time discrediting them as an effective fighting force. There seems to be a fair amount of evidence, however, to indicate that some sense of nationhood existed prior to the Revolution, gaining momentum throughout the war but not firmly taking hold until after the war was over, and it was, in fact, the colonial militia that best exemplified that sense of nationalism. When the first settlers arrived in the New World, they attempted to transplant the European societal practices to which they were accustomed, but learned quickly that the wilderness of North America did not accommodate them. What resulted was the formati... ...had everything to lose and fought anyway better represented the national ideals for which they were fighting and it was for that reason that the public embraced them. The argument as to whether the colonial militia or the Continental Army deserves the most recognition in the war effort might never be settled. In some ways, the debate seems unnecessary. Winning the war combined more than just those two elements. If the French had not started a power struggle in Europe, the results would have been vastly different. If either the militia or the regulars had to fight the war alone, the results would have been vastly different. The laurels belong to no single group and should not be argued otherwise. Works Cited Martin, James Kirby, and Mark Edward Lender. A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, 1763-1789. Wheeling, IL: Harlan Davidson, 1982.

The Two-Point Threshold Essay

I. Introduction In the two-point threshold experiment it is obtained how close two distinct sharp point can be together for a person to feel two points instead of one. The value of the two-point threshold is the minimal distance at which the subject can feel two distinct points. The principle behind this experiment is the fact that mechanoreceptors are not distributed homogeneously in the skin of the human body. There are areas with a higher density and areas with a lower density of mechanoreceptors, making this certain area more or less sensitive. However, the smaller the distance is where the subject can feel two distinct points, the more mechanoreceptors must be present in this area, enabling a person to feel small details in that part of the body. In this experiment we will test the two-point threshold at five ares of the body: the back of the hand, the palm of the hand, fingertip, the back of the neck, and the calf of the leg. With these given areas, the fingertips will have a smaller two-point threshold than the back of the hand. II. Materials and Methods For this experiment a compass is used to apply two sharp points to the skin at the same time, and a ruler to measure the distance of these points. The independent variable for the experiment is the are where the two-point threshold is measured. The dependent variable is the two-point threshold, or in other words the smallest distance at which the subject can distinguish between one and two points at one of the five tested areas. At first the compass is set on the smallest value, 2mm, and applied to a certain area. If the subject does not feel two distinct points the distance between the points will be increased until the subject can feel two points. That way the smallest distance, the two-point threshold is obtained. III. Results The Two-Point Threshold Values For All Subjects Calculations/ T-Test First the average two-point threshold is calculated for both areas by summing up all values and dividing the sum by the number of values,7. For the back of the hand it is an average of 22.4mm, and for the fingertips 4.71mm. Then the difference of each value to the average value is calculated and inserted in to the formula to calculate the standard deviation, where n is the number of subjects/values. X-∅X (back of hand) ⇒ square X-∅X (fingertips) ⇒ square 4,4 19,36 2,71 7,34 4,4 19,36 0,71 0,5 7,4 54,76 5,3 28,1 16,6 275,56 0,3 0,1 7,6 57,76 1,7 2,89 6,4 40,96 1,7 2,89 1,4 1,96 1,3 1,69 The squares for both independent variables will now be summed up and divided by n-1= 6 before the square root is taken. Back of the hand: Fingertips: To calculate the T-value the difference of the average values is subtracted by the square root of the sum of the two SD square divided by the number of subjects, 7. The calculated T-value for this experiment is 9,46. The Average Two-Point Threshold and Standard Deviation for the Fingertips and the Back of the Hand The graph shows clearly that the fingertips have a much smaller two-point threshold with an average of 4.71mm, than the back of the hand with 22.4mm. It also shows that the standard deviation for the fingertips is much lower with  ±2.69mm than the standard deviation of the subjects at the back of the hand with  ±8.85mm. IV. Conclusion The results of the experiment support the hypothesis that the fingertips have a smaller two-point threshold than the back of the hand. It is supported by the average two-point threshold of both areas, while the fingertips have and average of 4.71mm and the back of the hand shows and average result of 22.4mm as two-point threshold which is almost five times greater compared to the average fingertip value. The T-test is a statistical hypothesis test to see if the hypothesis is supported. In this experiment a T-value of 9.46 was calculated to 6 degrees of freedom. According to the table there is a 0.0001% chance that the hypothesis is incorrect. So in  other words this T-value supports the hypothesis with over 99%. A source of error is certainly the number of subjects in the experiment. For a strongly supported hypothesis I would suggest a follow up experiment with many more subjects to make sure this hypothesis is still supported because only a few too high or low numbers can certainly change the results with only seven subjects. Also I would suggest to have only one tester in the follow up experiment because in this experiment there were seven testers, one for each subject and everybody measures slightly different. So instead of having human error involved from one tester, we have errors involved from seven. The last source of error is within the calculations. Rounding errors here and there can make a difference if the results are close together.